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A grammar of Kuuk Thaayorre by Alice R. Gaby

By Alice R. Gaby

This grammar bargains a finished description of Kuuk Thaayorre, a Paman language spoken at the west coast of Cape York Peninsula, Australia. The Paman languages of Cape York have lengthy been well-known for his or her exhibition of substantial phonological, semantic and morphosyntactic switch (e.g. Hale 1964, Dixon 1980). but there has beforehand been no released complete reference grammar of a language from this zone (some very good dictionaries, theses and caricature grammars although, e.g. corridor 1972, Alpher 1973, 1991, Crowley 1983, Kilham et al. 1986, Sutton 1995, Smith & Johnson 2000).

On the foundation of elicited facts, narrative and semi-spontaneous dialog recorded among 2002 and 2008, in addition to archival fabrics, this grammar information the phonetics and phonology, morphosyntax, lexical and constructional semantics and pragmatics of 1 of the few indigenous Australian languages nonetheless used as a first-rate technique of communique. Kuuk Thaayorre possesses gains of typological curiosity at every one of those levels.

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9. Orthography. 24 Subsequent chapters employ the Pormpuraaw Phonology nearest neighbours, Yir Yoront (Alpher 1973, 1991) and Kugu Nganhcara (Smith and Johnson 2000). The former distinguishes retroflex consonants (oral, nasal and lateral), while the latter contrasts voiced and voiceless oral stops. 2 Vowels Kuuk Thaayorre makes a phonemic distinction between ten vowels; five vowel qualities (/i/, /u/, /e/, /o/, and /a/), each of which have two phonemic lengths. Front and central vowels (/i/, /e/ and /a/) are unrounded while the back vowels (/u/ and /o/) are rounded.

17 This allophone is found in codas preceding a bilabial stop as onset of the following syllable. 18 This allophone is found following a clitic boundary. 26 Phonology The aspirated allophones tend to occur as the onset of a stressed, word-initially syllable (as in /pan/ [phan] ‘bait’ and /ka:l/ [kha:l] ‘ear’). g. /waʔap/ [waʔap] ‘river’. All obstruents have an unreleased allophone that appears as the coda of a non-final syllable (especially where the onset of the following syllable is homorganic and/or bilabial), as in /katpir/ [khat̚pɪr]19.

This is not differentiated from the voiceless allophone here. 30 Phonology → [n̪̊] / C $_ [-voice] → [n̪] / elsewhere /ɲ/ → [ɲ] /ŋ/ → [ŋ̊] / → [ŋ] / elsewhere /n̪/ C $_ [-voice] The absence of voiceless allophone for the palatal nasal may simply be due to the fact that the palatal nasal is itself quite rare, and my corpus contains no lexemes in which this nasal follows a voiceless consonant (the conditioning environment for nasal devoicing). Note also that my analysis of the place of articulation of the palatal nasal departs from Hall (1968:63), who analyses it as a single segment formed by compounding the alveolar nasal and palatal glide (as suggested by the digraph /ny/ in his working orthography), which he claims also has a “voiced apico-dental laminoalveolar nasal” allophone.

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